Nowadays we are not used to thinking of nationalism as being "on the left," but once upon a time that was the case. Not too long ago, there was a vibrant black nationalism on the left (whereas nowadays it is either non-existent or, as with the New Black Panther Party, taken over by reactionary, non-universalist Muslims). I just wrote a blog post about how the Hippie movement could have manifested itself—and in my mind much more successfully so—as a left nationalist movement. There used to be a secular Arab nationalism on the left in the Arab world. There used to be leftist national liberation movements all throughout the 3rd world. Nowadays we only have Cuba, Venezuela, and Bolivia as the only real outposts of left nationalism remaining (and maybe Uganda and some other countries that don't really show up on our political radar screen).
The mother of all left-nationalisms, though, was once upon a time the French Revolution. The proponents of the French Revolution envisioned the French nation, not as what we would call today a right-wing *ethnic* nation, but as a (what we would call left-wing) universalist *civic* nation that would act as a vehicle for the universalism of the French Revolution (and so, to defend the French nation from the emigré plots and from the alliances of reactionary monarchs was to defend the French Revolution. Think of it as "Bourgeois Liberalism in one Country." Stalin would have understood).
That is, from its very beginning, the French nation was foremost envisioned as a social contract between individuals, and second (or not at all) as a primordial collection of ethnically "French" people (à la German nationalism) that should band together not because of political interest, but because of some shared primordial ethnic destiny.
In contemporary France there is, in fact, an official debate being held over how exactly to define the French nation.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/nov/08/france-national-identity-debate-race
Many French on the left view this "debate" as an attempt to redefine French nationalism from being a "nation civique" (that would universally welcome any immigrants who shared the républicain vision) to being a "nation ethnique" (that would not be as welcoming to immigrants, and that would try to (quite ridiculously) redefine the French as the descendants of the Gaulois, as the descendants of those who built Notre Dame—in short, as the French-speaking descendants of anyone who didn't arrive in France within, oh, let's conveniently say, the last 60 years.
The reason why this debate seems so ridiculous to me is that there really didn't exist a French "nation" as recently as 1789. There was, instead, a political entity (that happened to be called "France") being ruled by a monarchical dynasty that happened to contain within it many different nations, but that happened to later come (mostly) under the control of a new political system that transformed all of these different nations into one "French" nation. In a way, a civic nationalism would have been the only nationalism that would have made sense in 1789. Ethnically, in France there were people who spoke Alsatian, Breton, Basque, Gascon, Occitan, Provençal, le Français national (basically the Parisian dialect), etc. The culture of southern France and Northern France was very different. Some regions had had totally different levels of limited self-government before 1789. Some parts of "France" had only been recently acquired (Alsace) and were widely considered to be hardly ethnically French at all as late as 1939.
Rather, the ethnic French nation that nowadays co-exists in a subordinate role to the civic French nation came about precisely thanks to that civic nationalism—the levée en masse, the national education system founded in large part in order to spread republicanism to the whole population of France, etc.
Even with the partial consolidation of the ethnic French nation, though, there still remains a vibrant love of French "provincialism." In France nowadays most people would see no contradiction between celebrating provincial specificities (cheeses, wines, quirks of manner, quirks of speech, etc.) and being a French nationalist, precisely because the French nation is foremost a civic one that does not rely on ethnic commonality in order to define itself.
This is precisely how I envision my "nation of a thousand flags" project—that is, the advent of a nationalism (and I hope eventually a new corresponding nation) that not just tolerates, but simultaneously celebrates and draws inspiration from hip-hop, salsa, mariachi bands, Norse pagan heavy metal, Buddhist chanting, and what have you. This nation would be able to do this, and still stay coherent as a nation, only if it is defined as a civic (and potentially universal) nation.
Even so, France was theoretically supposed to be a "universal nation," but that didn't stop it from using its self-proclaimed universalism to justify imperialism under the banner of a "mission civilatrice." This is where we must supplement the ethnic/civic nationalism distinction with a mutually-exclusive distinction between nationalism and imperialism.
One could make the case that there is nothing contradictory between ethnic nationalism and imperialism, and while this is not quite true, one must admit that imperialism in the service of an ethnique nation has a certain logic. The ethnic nation conquers and subjugates a foreign group of people and exploits them, enriching themselves. Simple enough. But even in such a case as this, problems may arise for the ethnic nation.
We can see this in the case of Nazi German imperialism (which, one may suppose, had these same motives of plunder at heart). For example, whereas Hitler had wanted to rid Germany of foreign populations, in fact the war ended up bringing many more foreigners into the (newly-enlarged) Germany (even if the foreigners were non-citizens or industrial slaves). To a lesser extent, this has been a "problem" that Britain has recently been facing with regards to Afghanistan. It turns out that Britain's participation in the war there has helped to drive many Afghanis out of Afghanistan, and some of them have ended up in Britain, angering British nativists.
In the case of the U.S., we can see how imperialism can actually work antithetical to nationalism by looking at the U.S. military. This military is now a thoroughly non-national institution. It icharacterized by imperial ambition, bureaucracy, professionalism, careerism, and mercenary enticements, rather than the (ethnic or civic) nation patriotically upholding its nationalism. To be sure, the U.S. military often talks about "spreading democracy," (that is, the U.S.'s civic nationalism) to other lands, and soldiers often justify their participation in the military by saying that they just wanted to "serve their country" (ethnic nationalism) or "protect the Constitution" (civic nationalism), in reality I would wager that economic/career motives are by far the strongest factors in a person's decision to join the military nowadays, perhaps in conjunction with a personal penchant for that sort of line of work. In any case, we do not find U.S. soldiers in Iraq regularly singing the American equivalent of the Marseillaise or busying themselves with spreading republican virtues and republican ideas among the Iraqi population. Instead we find mostly a bunch of fratty guys being bros with one another, havin' fun, doing their job, occasionally raping some women or massacreing some Iraqis, or perhaps being thoroughly professional, but in any case not showing any special zeal for spreading the U.S.'s civic nationalism. What we are missing is a military that approaches the task of war not in the professional, non-ideological manner in an imperial army, but in the nationalist manner of citizen's defending the country.
And what is this country that the American military defends? Is it a national territory, or an imperial one? Considering how it includes territories such as Diego Garcia, Qatar, Kuwait, and all of the rest of the U.S.'s 700+ foreign military bases, it is clearly the latter.
There is a more fundamental distinction, though, between nationalism and imperialism other than the effects that the two have on a military. There is also the question of general motivation. An empire seeks only power. It does not care about the nature of its imperial holdings. The local people can believe in this religion or that, can speak this language or that, can hold this ideology or that, the empire doesn't care. It just wants to hold the territory and recieve taxes (or, in the modern version, provide access to that territory for corporations, which in turn will uphold the empire). A nation, by contrast, is an intimate community (whether for ethnic or civic reasons). A nation cares very much about what religions members of the nation hold, or whether the members of the nation can communicate with each other, or whether the members of the nation subscribe to the nation's civic nationalism. Nationalism is, then, by its nature more totalitarian-minded than plain imperialism. I consider this a good thing. To be sure, an empire can be more invasive. It can have more secret police. It can arrest more people. But the motivation is always simply to maintain its power. It is interested in getting rid of, or intimidating, its enemies; it is not interested in winning the allegiance of its internal adversaries (for the sake of national community...that is, unless such efforts can easily profit the empire's power).
Let's look at Nazi Germany, for example. Was Nazi Germany a nation, or an empire? Well, it would depend on the timeframe. One could make the argument that, up until the spring of 1939, Nazi Germany was a nation. But after its takeover of Czechoslovakia, (after its motivation was clearly no longer the reunification, protection, and regeneration of Germans, but the acquisition of imperial power and territory) it became an empire. This was the point, in fact, when many leftists such as Simone Weil decided that Nazi Germany's territorial demands were no longer legitimate. In his "Age of Extremes," British Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm makes a comment that when he was in Germany in 1934 and saw French flags flying in the Ruhr, that even someone like him had to feel that there wasn't something quite right about that. If one reads the lyrics from the Horst-Wessel Lied, it almost sounds like Nazi Germany was a national liberation movement. "Die Knechtshaft dauert nur noch kurze Zeit," etc. Well, the point here is that, at the *very least* (i.e. perhaps much earlier), Nazi Germany ceased to be a national liberation movement, and began to be an empire, in the spring of 1939.
And likewise, the moment that France came to rule over people whom it treated as second-class citizens, rather than equal members of the French civic nation, and the moment that it ceased to be concerned with spreading its civic universalism and became focused on acquiring imperial power, that is when its rhetoric about universalism became transformed from a beacon of hope to a cynical excuse for empire. That France's imperial ambitions (under Napoleon, Louis Napoleon, under the 3rd and 4th Republics) had an adverse effect on its original civic nationalism and universalist mission is obvious.
Therefore, any civic nation with universalist pretensions would do well to stay far away from any imperial temptation. It will only corrupt or override the universalist civic nationalism.
***Family no longer as an economic unit (children and non-working family members not economically dependent on the family, but rather supported by the public). Family as a provisional instrument for raising citizens, with children and other family members (girls, women, mothers) who are traditionally told to keep to the private sphere being transformed into fundamentally public citizens, ultimately answerable not to any head of the household, but to the public citizenry in general from the basis of being an equal fellow citizen.
***Mass society or public society (as opposed to private society)
*****People addressing each other in the political/economic sphere not as friends, pals who are owed favors or privileges, etc, but as equal citizens.
*******Friendship and love freed from any instrumental, mechanistic political/economic duties, and liberated to function truly as bonds of affection between mutually-consenting peers, without the strategic calculations of former times
***********The strategic calculations are instead relegated to the formal, transparent public political/economic sphere. People argue for policies, renumerations (not favors), etc., as citizens meeting in ultra-democratic workplace, municipal, and national councils.
***************All citizens vote directly on all laws applying to their jurisdiction (workplace, town, or countryewide).
***************Drafting committees are elected to guage concerns and propose, but not pass, legislation. Others may draft legislation and petition it for the general ballot.
***************Ballots are not taken once every few years, but are accessible continuously. That is, there will be a permanent ballot office in each precinct. You will have a safety-deposit box with your ballots that you have filled out. Whenever you want to change your vote or vote on something new, you go there, get out your old ballots, change your vote, get the vote recorded, and put the ballot back in your safety-deposit box as a record of your vote. No need for "nay" votes. When a bill gets 55% of the registered voting citizenry to vote "yea" for it, the bill becomes law. If enough people who supported the bill ever change their votes such that the bill drops below 45% approval, the law is revoked.
***************Elected, instantly-recallable judges and jury duty as before.
***************Elected, instantly-recallable officials of the executive branch.
***************This is mob rule. If you fear the consequences, you need to go to work on your fellow citizens, whipping them up into shape to take on these adult responsibilities in a rational manner.
***************All adult citizens will also have militia training and militia duty for a few weeks out of every year.
****************The citizenry's vote will be required for a formal declaration of war, and a formal declaration will be required in all cases for an extended conflict. The (recallable) executive may exercise provisional powers for only a short period of time. The professional, standing army will be minimal--enough to resist a surprise attack for a short while. In the case of a real war, the military will use a ruthlessly undiscriminating "Levée en masse" (draft). Only the disabled, young, elderly, and resisters will be exempted. Resisters will lose their citizenship if they resist, but it would be illogical to force them to fight. Gays will be included.
*******************In the military, to be eligible to be an officer, one must have a certain qualification of training. From this pool, officers are to be elected by their inferiors by secret ballot. But while they are officers, they are to receive strict obedience. Officer votes (recalls) will occur only at certain intervals. Generals are to be elected by the citizenry and are to be instantly recallable.
******************As long as citizens perform their basic jury, militia, and (if need be) military duty, they will be provided with basic food, housing, and healthcare. What renumeration they receive beyond that will depend on the judgment of their workplace council.
***Broad, farsightedness.
***Internationalism. The entire world may even be conceived of as "one nation of humans."
***Inclusive of everyone who makes effort to ally with your cause. Integrating races, ethnicities, genders, and classes into one equal citizenry so as to strengthen society and free it from being riven by internal divisions.
***Impersonal workplace councils as the key to "success," not nepotist favors or informal favors from family or friends (which breed their own dependencies and power relations). Friends and family members can still give and receive gifts, but no citizen will be dependent on such charity because each citizen will have his/her essentials provided for, in addition to extra renumeration from their workplace.
*****There will be no bosses or owners in the economic sphere. In this sense, it will be post-capitalist.
*******There can be competition, though. People will compete at being citizens. The better the work they do, and the better they are impersonally rated by their co-workers, the more renumeration they will receive. But under all circumstances, all citizens will have equal *power* to contribute to these decisions.
********New companies will can be launched and given starting capital by municipal votes. Workplaces will compete against each other. There will be a market exchange mechanism. But nobody may buy another's labor-power. Those involved in an enterprise must always be treated as equal citizens with equal decision-making power.
*********Workplace delegates (instantly-recallable) may be elected.
**********This movement sees the daily struggles between workers and employers as irrelevant to our interests. We will take sides with neither one. We are not for any class above any other. We want workplace democracy for all citizens. We are not interested in the particularistic battles benefitting one trade union or another. We want equal power. Once we have equal power, we will each be in an equal position to judge whether particular situations warrant equal *conditions* or renumeration for those involved. Insofar as communist groups are striving for these same things, they are our allies. If they relegate themselves to narrow reformist battles, they are irrelevant.
The key word is modernism.
The key manifestation is mass society.
The key method is direct democracy. Mob rule.
Calling all hardcore "vrai(e)s républicain(e)s": let us fulfill the promise of 1793.
The catchphrase: "The French Revolution on steroids."
Okay, why is this fascist?
*The political/economic community is defined in terms of citizenship instead of class (although it is a citizenship that is willing to embrace any race, nation, gender, etc., and that only discriminates based on a person's views and willingness to fulfill the duties of a citizen of this society, and it is a citizenship that inherently dissolves class).
*It calls for strict self-discipline and coldly-nihilistic rationality in the public sphere (when political/economic issues aren't involved, when you are in what private sphere is left, when you are not using a social relation for instrumental advantages, you can be as irrational and emotional as you want). How else could this mass public citizenry not descend into emotivism, irrationality, and mob rule?
*It is motivated by a desire to modernize and strengthen one's society, to make it more dynamic, just as fascism was, in part, motivated.
*It calls for allegiance to the public before allegiance to the family or any other personal, private relations. When the two conflict (when you must disagree with your friend or lover on policies, or when you must judge them concerning a criminal wrongdoing), your duties as a citizen carry more weight than your duties as a friend or lover. (But as long as they remain good citizens as well, everything's peachy).
How does this differ from traditional fascism?
*It's more modern than fascism. It is not saddled with absurdly obsolete racist biology, primitive leader-worship, or pre-modern enshrinement of the family.
*Allegiance to the public and occasional sacrifice is ultimately justified on transparently, farsightedly-egoistic grounds rather than on supposedly-altruistic ones (which usually turn out to be egoistic anyways when you pull away the rhetorical disguises).
*This does not seek to protect capitalism, but to supersede it. It does not just call for "respect" between employers and workers, or even better conditions for workers. It calls for the abolition of employers and workers, and the institution of equal economic citizens at each workplace (and by the way, if you want to change workplaces, you have to get voted on at the next one, but you assume your position with equal powers at the new workplace just as everyone else. Perhaps not equal expertise right away, but equal powers. And if you want to kick a miscreant co-worker out of the workplace, you can vote on that and do that as well. That worker will just have to subsist on the citizen rations for a bit and join another workplace sometime later).
This new "state" is obviously not authoritarian as it is in fascism. Instead, it is directly-democratic. However, this new "state" in this new modern mass society is still just as totalitarian, perhaps even moreso, because it "intrudes" into the private sphere perhaps even more than in fascism (or, rather, it robs the private sphere of territory...when it comes to the family, when it comes to dispelling nepotism, when it comes to providing for economic survival, when it comes to confining religion or spirituality to an ultra-private domain, etc.). It is totalitarian in the same way that the French Revolution was totalitarian.
Finally, I must mention that the new Spartan state will be in favor of all forms of mutually-beneficial organic pleasure, so consensual homosexual love and sex will be celebrated just as much as heterosexual love and sex. Similarly with transgender love, etc.....people pursuing their organic desires with nihilistically-rational determination. That's what I'd like to celebrate.